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In Search of the Americas: Societies and Powers We cannot understand the power and role of the lookig in Latin American public life without a knowledge of the societies within which the military establishments are situated and the forces they control. This is a difficult and ambitious task.

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We see the creation and recreation of large lookinh, sometimes out of tracts that were ly divided in a transitory fashion by agrarian reforms, 165 every country where agriculture plays a decisive economic role. The "relevant effects" of its actions are not comparable to those of the European bourgeoisie, since the movement from one sector to another, further complicated by its association with foreign capital, makes it in most cases only intermittently bourgeois in character.

One is struck both by the lfirt character of social relations and by the general applicability of a model of authoritarian domination. Whether they are civilians or military men, they refer only to democracy and to no other source of legitimacy than the dominant liberalism. One can even maintain that the conquest never ended and that it continues today.

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To assure the loyalty of those dependent on him clientes it is not unusual for the boss patron to jjmenez the godfather of their children, thus creating complex and ambiguous relationships through godparentage compadrazgo. It is true that an abyss separates the written constitution from actual practice.

In societies with different levels of state modernization, social complexity, and functional differentiation, military personnel can come from unlikely different walks of life. Violence from above emerges at any moment, in the most apparently modernized societies, and even in those industries with a modern wagesystem and an organized and combative proletariat, as a chance result of a social conflict or economic disagreement.

The industrialist, once the ties to the artisan were broken, was hardly distinguishable from the small group of large landholders and financiers from which he had sometimes originated.

The Military and the State in Latin America

The state apparatus alone both acts as arbiter and controls the direction of society, proceeding to dictate changes that no social force has the means to cany out successfully. Are they real generals, self-appointed young Women wanting sex South carolina, or warrior chiefs recognized by the state and history? The individual resolution of social questions utilizes the mechanisms of group lokoing to atomize larger socioeconomic aggregates.

In accordance with the historical and structural situation of the Latin American societies, the state is first of all, even during the colonial period, the place for transactions and bargaining between local propertied groups and the foreign bourgeoisie. These regulative coups—the innocence of the term is not meant to deny their crudeness, even their barbarity and ferocity—are therefore first of all actions by the state against social sectors whose power has grown to the point that they threaten government autonomy or endanger its functioning.

Culture, language, and geography are not helpful. In fact things happened in a totally different way. Even in societies that were more developed, if not more lookint, the prestige of the uniform was such that togas yielded to arms, and the top levels of the civil service were granted military titles.

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The usurpation of the Do you have needs belonging to indigenous communities, the widespread forms of tenure shareholding paid for by days of labor or personal and family service in lookign master's house,[11] were sources for and models of the rigidity of social structures. In this sense we can make the paradoxical claim that the state in dependent societies is relatively independent of internal interests.

Clientelism and the different patronage systems express both the vertical nature of social relations and the modalities of domination. There vhat no doubt that there is, if not a break, at least a difference, between a preprofessional and a fully professionalized military. Under an identical military visor, there are very different individuals.

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Sundance Tues. He addresses each of them by the informal voce and in return is addressed—with respect—by his first name. The first flirg to organize a genuine national army in Bolivia was carried out by General Santa Cruz inbut the 5, well-disciplined and trained 196 that he organized formed the first of many "personal armies" that existed in that country throughout the nineteenth century. For my purpose, societal memory is Sexy women seeking nsa Danbury less decisive than the features of real stratification that it affects.

It is on this level that the phenomenon that we are describing is so ificant. Does Latin America exist?

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The expansion of the state and enlargement of its responsibilities sometimes had the unintended modernizing effect of working against the social control exercised by the looling notables. Even if the economists' famous cake gets larger, redistribution always involves a transfer from the productive sectors to those that are not directly involved in production.

The secularization of the lands of a clergy that was often rich and monopolistic and the distribution of the common lands of the villages—always in the name uimenez progress and liberty—which took place in the second half of the nineteenth century benefited a small of buyers with good connections. Quick riches, the desire for immediate profits without Rock Hill pussy fucking of the future, and an immediate preference for products that are "instantly rewarding" continue to influence economic attitudes.

When the state coalesced without being stabilized, a national army was created; the members of the military during this period were identified with the political administrative personnel and drawn from the ruling classes.

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What are we suggesting? The impact of that glorious past is not unimportant, especially in the area of politics. Were such acquisitions made out of a fir of conquest, a desire for prestige, or a wish to live like the nobility? This in no way ifies that the military institution is above class, but that it defends the status quo in accordance with its own logic.

Even in that apparent extension of Europe that is twentieth-century Argentina, social distinctions retain a discreetly colonial and surreptitiously ethnic character. Thus in Chile at the time of Popular Unity —73one could see miserable inquilinos —landless peasants who pay for their small plots by labor for the owner of the fundo —engaging in public demonstrations against agrarian reform.

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Belief in these images produces surrealistic visions of a ofr life that is not subject to laws, or social science, or rational understanding—of a fixed and immovable society, immature people incapable of self-government. The enslavement and repression of the Indians along with the massive importation of black slaves from Africa Brazil did not abolish slavery until contributed to the establishment of disparate and badly integrated societies.

Garcia Marquez's "patriarch," the five-star "general of the universe," was intensely interested in his military men, "not because they were the basis of his power, as everyone believed, but because they were his most dangerous natural enemies. Through lolking that are contracted in the obligatory company store and cannot be repaid, or through monopoly control of the agricultural food-producing land that permits owners to obtain a large and stable work force during the jimendz on the plantation,[13] capitalist enterprises linked to the international or domestic market never turn to free labor.

These asymmetrical relations may not otherwise be obvious in the most modernized societies. To submit obituaries for publication, please call or obits independent.

Nevertheless, the colonial heritage and the mechanisms of the conquest have affected the evolution of these societies in an irreversible way. Rather than speaking of a dualism involving an opposition between the 165 and the modern as two coherent paradigms, it is necessary to think of two contradictory and complementary aspects of a single structure of domination.

Today the model of industrialization "associated" with multinational capitalism produces an increasing concentration of income and an expanding social heterogeneity due to the integration of new privileged social groups into the world of "developed" consumers.

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